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US military forces to stay decades in Afghanistan

Published by Washington Post
Top U.S. military commanders, who only a few months ago were planning to pull the last American troops out of Afghanistan by year’s end, are now quietly talking about an American commitment that could keep thousands of troops in the country for decades.
The shift in mind-set, made possible by President Obama’s decision last fall to cancel withdrawal plans, reflects the Afghan government’s vulnerability to continued militant assault and concern that terrorist groups such as al-Qaeda continue to build training camps whose effect could be felt far beyond the region, said senior military officials.
President Obama will keep 9,800 troops in Afghanistan through most of 2016
At a news conference Thursday, Oct. 15, President Obama says the U.S. will maintain 9,800 troops in Afghanistan through most of 2016 and will not go down to a normal embassy presence by the end of 2016, but instead will keep 5,500 troops at a small number of bases. (AP)
The new American outlook marks a striking change for Obama, who campaigned on a promise to bring American troops home and has said repeatedly that he does not support the “idea of endless war.” And it highlights a major shift for the American military, which has spent much of the past decade racing to hit milestones as part of its broader “exit strategy” from Afghanistan and Iraq. These days, that phrase has largely disappeared from the military’s lexicon.
In its place, there is a broad recognition in the Pentagon that building an effective Afghan army and police force will take a generation’s commitment, including billions of dollars a year in outside funding and constant support from thousands of foreign advisers on the ground.
“What we’ve learned is that you can’t really leave,” said a senior Pentagon official with extensive experience in Afghanistan and Iraq who like others spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe internal discussions. “The local forces need air support, intelligence and help with logistics. They are not going to be ready in three years or five years. You have to be there for a very long time.”
Senior U.S. commanders have also been surprised by al-Qaeda’s resilience and ability to find a haven in the Afghan countryside, as well as the Taliban’s repeated seizure of large tracts of contested territory.
[Pentagon has new authority to strike Islamic State in Afghanistan]
In November, the U.S. military sent a company of elite U.S. Rangers to southeastern Afghanistan to help Afghan counterterrorism forces destroy an al-Qaeda training camp in a “fierce fight” that lasted for several days.
The training camp was “absolutely massive,” said Brig. Gen. Wilson Shoffner, a military spokesman in Afghanistan.
“No matter what happens in the next couple of years Afghanistan is going to have wide ungoverned spaces that violent extremist organizations can take advantage of,” Shoffner said. “The camp that developed in southeastern Kandahar is an example of what can happen.”
There are now 9,800 U.S. troops in Afghanistan, some of them advising local forces and some focused on hunting down al-Qaeda and other hard-line militants. Plans call for Obama to halve that force by the time he leaves office, but he could defer the decision to the next president.
The U.S. military’s current thinking reflects its painful experience in Iraq, where Iraqi army forces collapsed less than three years after American forces left in 2011.
And it’s echoed in the arguments made by many Republican and Democratic foreign policy advisers, looking beyond the Obama presidency, for a significant long-term American presence. “This is not a region you want to abandon,” said Michèle Flournoy, a former Pentagon official who would probably be considered a top candidate for defense secretary in a Hillary Clinton administration. “So the question is what do we need going forward given our interests?”
[Taliban is targeting Afghan cities]
In Helmand province, where American troops suffered the heaviest losses of the war, Afghan units have struggled to hold on to territory taken by American forces from the Taliban in 2011 and 2012. “There’s a real will-to-fight issue there,” said a senior military official in Kabul.
Senior American commanders said that the Afghan troops in the province have lacked effective leaders as well as the necessary weapons and ammunition to hold off persistent Taliban attacks. Some Afghan soldiers in Helmand have been fighting in tough conditions for years without a break to see family, leading to poor morale and high desertion rates.
Gen. John F. Campbell, the top American commander, has sent Special Operations forces to the province to help direct American airstrikes and provide help with planning. An American soldier was killed and two others were wounded this month fighting alongside the Afghans.
In addition, about 300 U.S. troops in Helmand are advising Afghan commanders at the corps level, well removed from the front lines.
The American support is designed to arrest the immediate losses, but building an effective and sustainable fighting force that can manage contested areas such as Helmand province, will take many years, U.S. military officials said.
Foreign officials say the Afghan units lack effective mid-level officers and sergeants who can lead troops in combat and are not captive to patronage networks that dominate the country and sap soldier morale. Seeding the force with mid-level officers often requires bringing in young leaders from outside the current system and training them from scratch.
“I think a generational approach has value,” Shoffner said.
Senior U.S. officials point to improvements in areas such as evacuating wounded troops from the battlefield. As recently as 2013, it took the Afghan army 24 hours on average to get medical assistance to wounded troops. Now help usually arrives in four hours, still longer than desired. But other critical goals, such as building an effective resupply system for the country or a capable air force, cannot be accomplished in a few years. Many of the American pilots flying in Afghanistan have 10 to 15 years of experience.
“How long does it take to grow a 15-year pilot? It takes about 15 years,” Shoffner said. “We’re starting a little late with the air force.”
Senior U.S. military officials and some former Obama administration officials increasingly compare the U.S. government’s plans for Afghanistan to its approach to South Korea, where it has maintained tens of thousands of troops for decades. Other top officials cite the example of Colombia, where the United States has long provided training, money and contractors.
[The war in Afghanistan is turning even more chaotic. Read these stories to catch up.]
“Our presence right now helps serve as a significant bulwark against instability and at a cost that I think is reasonable to bear,” said Daniel Feldman, who until recently served as the Obama administration’s special representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan. “Particularly if we’re not proposing a significant combat role, I think the American people would be open to the argument of sticking with Afghanistan.”
U.S. officials said that in Afghan President Ashraf Ghani they have a willing and reliable partner who can provide bases to attack terrorist groups, not just in Afghanistan but also throughout South Asia, for as long as the threat in the chronically unstable region persists.
The difference between Afghanistan and other long-term American commitments in South Korea and Colombia is that Afghanistan remains a far more dangerous and unstable place for American personnel. Even though Afghan troops have assumed the lead combat role throughout the country, with U.S. troops in an advisory role, Americans still face real dangers and have taken recent casualties there.
In some cases, senior U.S. officials have been surprised by the Taliban comeback in the past year. Emboldened by the departure of most foreign forces, Taliban fighters have seized district centers, inflicted heavy losses on government forces and temporarily overrun a provincial capital. Now, Afghan forces must also grapple with an aggressive local branch of the Islamic State.
Some officials hold out hope that a long-term military presence might be unnecessary, if hoped-for peace talks with the Taliban make progress. The Afghan government has asked Pakistan, home to many Taliban leaders, to push the militants into talks.
A generational U.S. footprint “doesn’t need to be the case,” said Jeff Eggers, a former senior White House official with long experience working on Afghanistan and Pakistan. “The Korea model is not necessary if the peace process moves forward — that’s the preferred path for all parties.”
The obstacles to peace talks, though, are huge. Senior officials in Kabul and Islamabad, Pakistan, are riven by suspicion, and the Taliban remains deeply fractured following the revelation that its longtime leader, Mohammad Omar, has been dead for more than two years.

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Khalilzad says Pakistan might be using migrant expulsions to infiltrate ISIS into Afghanistan

Washington’s former special envoy to Afghanistan, Zalmay Khalilzad, said in a social media post on Wednesday that he is concerned Pakistan might be using the expulsion of refugees as a cover to send in ISIS fighters into Afghanistan.
In a post on X on Wednesday, April 16, Khalilzad said: “Knowledgeable people tell me that they are concerned that the Pakistan establishment might well be using the expulsion of Afghan refugees as a cover to send ISIS terrorists to Afghanistan. I share this concern.”
Khalilzad did not elaborate further, nor did he clarify who the “knowledgeable people” were.
The Islamic Emirate has long been known to fight ISIS and has in the past accused Pakistan of supporting the militant group.
In January, Afghanistan’s deputy minister of foreign affairs said ISIS was operating training centers in Pakistan.
Khalilzad’s remarks come amid intensified efforts by Pakistan to deport hundreds of thousands of Afghan refugees in the country.
Pakistan began deporting undocumented Afghans in October 2023 but following a directive in December, authorities ramped up the deportations from April 1. In the first two weeks of this month over 45,000 Afghans returned.
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IEA warns UN in Afghanistan against undermining the ordinances of Islamic Sharia
The Islamic Emirate however said in Wednesday’s statement that Afghanistan implements court rulings in accordance with a thorough judicial process and meticulous legal scrutiny.

The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan on Wednesday warned the UN in Afghanistan (UNAMA) against criticizing or undermining the ordinances of Islamic Shariah and said remarks by the organization last week on the execution of four men were “unacceptable”.
In a statement issued by the IEA’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Islamic Emirate said the remarks were in “direct contravention of the organization’s mandate, and is categorically unacceptable.”
The ministry stated that as an Islamic government it was their duty to carry out such punishments under Sharia.
On Friday, UNAMA condemned the executions and called for the abolishment of the death penalty in Afghanistan.
In a post on X UNAMA stated: “The death penalty is inconsistent with the fundamental right to life. UNAMA calls for an immediate moratorium on the death penalty as a step towards its abolition.”
Four men were publicly executed in Afghanistan last week: two in Badghis, one in Nimroz, and one in Farah province.
Two of the men were shot around six or seven times by a male relative of the victims in front of spectators in Qala-e-Naw, the centre of Badghis province, witnesses told AFP. The families of the victims reportedly turned down the opportunity to offer the men amnesty.
The Islamic Emirate however said in Wednesday’s statement that Afghanistan implements court rulings in accordance with a thorough judicial process and meticulous legal scrutiny.
“During this process, the accused is granted full rights to defense from the beginning until a final verdict is issued,” the statement read.
The IEA said UNAMA’s remarks that Qisas punishments were “contrary to the right to life” and that the death penalty should be abolished “are considered irresponsible and based on ignorance of Islamic rulings.”
“The implementation of Shariah-prescribed punishments, including Qisas, is an undeniable component of Islamic law.
“In the sacred texts, Qisas is explicitly associated with the preservation of life, and human experience has also demonstrated its effectiveness in ensuring justice and social order.
“As an Islamic government, the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan considers the implementation of Qisas its religious obligation,” the statement read.
As such, the IEA reminded UNAMA that “any attempt to critique or undermine the ordinances of Islamic Shariah constitutes an overreach, is in direct contravention of the organization’s mandate, and is categorically unacceptable.
“Moving forward, it is imperative that UNAMA refrain from engaging in such remarks,” the IEA warned.
Qisas, in Islamic legal terms, translates to “retaliation in kind,” “an eye for an eye,” or retributive justice.
It’s a principle of Islamic law that allows for punishment in kind or compensation.
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CSTO member countries concerned over terrorism threat to Central Asia from Afghanistan
Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan make up the CSTO, with Tajikistan playing a key role in ensuring security in the area.

The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) has expressed concern about what they claim is growing threats in provinces in northern Afghanistan that border Central Asian countries.
Natalia Kharitonova, press secretary of the CSTO secretariat, told Russia’s Izvestia news outlet that the territory of Afghanistan remains a source of challenges related to terrorism, extremism, and drug crimes.
According to her, Tajikistan is ready to begin the first stage of the CSTO program to strengthen the Tajik-Afghan border.
However, she stated that the removal of the Islamic Emirate from Russia’s list of terrorist organizations may encourage Kabul to work more closely with neighboring countries to combat terrorism.
Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan make up the CSTO, with Tajikistan playing a key role in ensuring security in the area.
The CSTO program to strengthen the Tajik-Afghan border was first adopted by the CSTO in 2024. There are three phases.
The first phase involves Tajikistan, as the coordinator of the program, assessing the capabilities of the Member Countries in the production of weapons and technical means for border protection.
Once this is completed, CSTO members will select funding sources and finalize contracts. Deliveries are already planned for 2026-2027, the CSTO confirmed.
The third phase, which runs from 2027 to 2029, involves the practical provision of security along the entire section of the Tajik-Afghan border, which stretches for 1,300 km. Actual details on this phase have not yet been revealed.
However, Omar Nessar, a researcher at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, told Izvestia that the task of actually securing the border will probably be Russia’s responsibility as it has a large military base in Tajikistan.
On April 11, the Secretary General of the organization, Imangali Tasmagambetov, met in Dushanbe with the President of Tajikistan, Emomali Rahmon, and other officials, including the Minister of Defense of Tajikistan and the Secretary of the Security Council.
This, and other recent visits, demonstrate the Tajik side’s willingness to implement the first and all subsequent phases of the program, Kharitonova told Izvestia.
She went on to say that the organization has detected groups of militants operating from inside Afghanistan, along the Tajik border.
According to her, these are international militant groups such as Jundallah, the East Turkestan Islamic Movement and ISIS (Daesh).
Izvestia reported that the situation has become a lot more complicated since the change in power in Syria as several hundred militants from Central Asia were released from Syrian prisons. Hundreds made their way to the Afghan border area with Tajikistan, she said.
However, Omar Nessar believes that the situation on the border is stable at the moment, but that it could change.
Nessar suggested that a move towards recognizing the Islamic Emirate could be seen as an incentive for the ruling government to work more closely with neighboring countries to combat terrorism.
The Islamic Emirate has however repeatedly stated that no foreign militant groups, or Daesh, operate out of Afghanistan. The IEA has said it will not allow any individual or group to threaten another country from Afghanistan soil.
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